Capture of Monterey, California, by the United States Navy in 1842

[NOTE: This document can be found in Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States Inter-American Affairs 1831-1860 Volume VIII —Mexico, pages 503 to 510.]

Jose Maria de Bocanegra, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Mexico, to the Foreign Diplomatic Corps in Mexico


National Palace of Mexico, July 6, 1842.

The Undersigned, Minister of Foreign Relations and Government, received in due time, from His Excellency the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States of America, with his note of the 14th ultimo; a copy of the circular, addressed by him to the Diplomatic Corps, residing at this Capital, with the object, as His Excellency assures, of replying to that sent by the Department, under the direction of the Undersigned, to the same respectable Corps, on the 318? of May last; and of removing the impressions which the latter paper might have made, regarding the conduct observed by the people and Government of the United States, in the question pending between this Republic and Texas.

When the Undersigned, by express direction of the Provisional President, addressed his circular, to the Representatives of friendly nations, he was not ignorant that the Government of the Republic was exclusively entitled to make communications (ventilar) on questions affecting its dearest and most irrefragable rights, on the exercise of which it founds its sovereignity, and independance. Nor did he entertain a doubt of his right, to reclaim and protest, against the acts of any people or Government, which might attack or threaten those rights of his nation, or of his obligation to defend them, or still less of his official duty, to inform the citizens of the Republic, of the discussions to which the unfortunate question of Texas had given rise.-------- In Mexico, as in the United States, the Tribunal is the same; it is formed on public opinion; and to it, and not to another Government, the satisfaction is due; to it alone, belongs, the right to pronounce upon the use which the Directors of the Society, make of the power committed to them; to cause the rights and interests of the nation, to be maintained and, respected.

Notwithstanding the conviction, and the fact that the Government of the Undersigned, had addressed an appropriate reclamation to that of the United States, in the note to the Hon. Daniel Webster, Secretary of State [Above, this part, doc. 3468, May 12, 1842.—Ed.], which was published, the consideration due to the enlightened opinion of the Governments of friendly nations, on an affair such as that of the userpation of Texas, in which the precedents, the means, and the ends, are known to all, convinced His Excellency the Provisional President of the necessity of making them also acquainted, with his invariable resolution, to put an end to the ingratitude and perfidy, of which the generosity and good faith of this nation has hitherto been the victim; reserving to himself to communicate with the Government of the United States of America directly, on the part of the question, affecting the latter. Such was the object of the circular from the Undersigned.

After those measures, nothing was more natural, and conformable, with the practice of negotiation, than to await the reply of the Secretary of State of the U. S. and to continue the correspondence with him, until a termination of the matter had been attained; which the Government of the Undersigned flattered itself would be amicable, considering the principles of justice and good faith, which that of the United States had not ceased to proclaim, and the resolution of the enlightened and distinguished persons composing it, to put in practice the principles announced by them, so favorable to the credit and happiness of the country, at the head of which' they are placed.-------But the circular note of H. E. Mr. Waddy Thompson, to the Diplomatic Corps, undertaking the defence of his Government, against the accusations which he conceives to have been brought forward in the above mentioned circular from this Department, though it shews that he had thought of waiting for the reply from the Hon. D. Webster, obliges the Government of the Undersigned to pursue a course, different from that which it had proposed, and which as already said, seemed more conformable with the - practice of negotiations.

As the question now under consideration, was pending between the two Governments, it would have been more easy and proper, for the Undersigned to excuse himself from making any reply, which might serve to render the state of the case more complex; but the respect due by the Mexican Government, to the person and the opinions of the enlightened American Minister, and to which the Members of the Diplomatic Corps whom that Minister thought proper to address, are so fully entitled, requires that explanations should be made; and the Undersigned has in consequence received express orders, to make them in this Circular.

The reasons for which the Government of the Undersigned considered it as a duty, to communicate to the public and to friendly nations, the existing state of the question of Texas, have been already shown, as also its resolution to proceed in the manner imperiously dictated by the honor, the interests and the unanimous wishes of the country over which it presides. In so doing, and in making known its complaints against a neighboring people, which has by its singular position been involved in this question, Mexico has used its rights; and the party which acts thus, and declares its readiness to maintain its conduct until justice be obtained, offends no one. :—Where could Mr W. Thompson have found the menace and ill will, which, as he says, have so much astonished him? Hereafter we shall see whether the charges contained in the circular from this Department are, or are not, well founded; and in truth the Undersigned cannot find, either in these charges, or in the language in which they are expressed, any harshness, other than is inseperable from the statement of an offence or injury, which has been inflicted, without authorization and undeservedly.

The Undersigned regrets that Mr Thompson should have on this occasion, omitted to employ his profound knowledge of the history of the relations formed and maintained, between his country and this Republic; and still more, that this omission should oblige the Undersigned, to recal to his mind some circumstances, in positive contradiction to the absolute manner, in which he has endeavored to refute the complaints of the Government of the Undersigned.—His Excellency appeals to history, and to the authority of facts: the Undersigned in the course of this note, will neither use nor invoke any other testimony.

As the complaint made in the Circular of the Undersigned, of a violation by the United States of the principles of National Law, referred solely to the question of Texas, while the denial of the American Minister extends to all cases, the Undersigned conceives it inexpedient, to examine or inquire, whether there were any others; and he will on his part, only speak of that one. He cannot however suffer to pass unnoticed, the assertion of Mr Thompson, that his Government, (with the exception of the difficulties growing out of the war of Texas) not only has committed no act of a character at all unfriendly, or calculated to give cause of complaint against that Republic, but that it has ever since the existence of this Republic, not lost a single opportunity qf‘ doing public and private acts of friendship towards Mexico.

With regard to the latter, the Government of the Undersigned regrets that the honorable American Plenipotentiary, should have refrained from enumerating them; as by so doing he prevents Mexico from admitting and acknowledging its obligations for them; but as this cannot be now done, the Undersigned may assert, and he can prove by public and irrefragable testimony, that the services, the real services, done by other nations to the Mexican, are stamped upon its memory, and are the subjects of its constant gratitude; and as that virtue, is its characteristic, and cannot with justice be denied to it, the Government of the Undersigned repels though with regret, at being obliged to do so, the supposition truly harsh, of the Honorable American Minister, that it could desire to Obliterate the remembrance of them. His Excellency, adds, that in return for these services, he finds himself obliged to notice open violations of the rights of American citizens by the authorities of the Republic, greater within the last fifteen years, as he states, than those of all the Governments of the world besides. The Undersigned abstains from refuting this exaggeration, as it probably proceeds from laudable zeal, on the part of His Excellency the American Plenipotentiary.—It will be sufficient for him to observe, that both before and during the said fifteen years, the citizens of the United States, have been advancing and supporting complaints and claims, against several nations of the old as well as the new world; and that, as Mr Thompson knows and the Government of the Undersigned is not ignorant, they have been distinguished by the same name, and sustained in the same manner, as to the claims against this Republic, the Undersigned supposes them to be the same, which have been subjected to an arbitration as stipulated in the Convention of May 11, 1839, the opperations of which have been completed on the part of Mexico, and the demands presented having been determined on, the Undersigned, will only allow himself to make these few important observations on the subject;—That this mode of amicable compromise and settlement was suggested by his Government—That the arbitration having been concluded, according to the terms and manner agreed on in the convention, and the mode of effecting the indemnification, decided, being also provided thereby, this question belongs elsewhere, and does not seem to be appropriately presented now, and as an existing ground of complaint, since the intentions of both Governments, in negotiating that treaty, was to terminate the discussions to which those said claims had given rise.

Mr Thompson concludes this part of his note, by saying, that the redress of these multiplied and accumulated wrongs, had been left to friendly negotiation without any intimation having been given of a disposition to resort to force. The Undersigned finds himself under the necessity of noticing a historical omission here made by His Excellency. The official documents of the time, show, that these claims, brought forward in mass, without examination or proofs, (the proofs in several cases not having been obtained, in the course of five or six years, many of these claims having also been declared unjust, and the greater part exaggerated, by the definitive decision of the Arbiter) served as a basis for President Jackson to found his demand on the Congress of the union, in his message of February 6th, 1837, for the power to make war against Mexico; a disposition truly hostile, like many others of that General’s administration, which was only counteracted by some few members of Congress, among whom was Mr W. Thompson, raising their voices in favour of peace, under the conviction probably, of the injustice and indefensibility of the adoption of hostile measures against a sister and friendly Republic, involved in difficulties, such as no nation in the world, may escape. The undersigned avails himself of this opportunity to prove that his Government has neither forgotten the history of these events, nor even the names of those persons, who have directly or indirectly afforded their services to the nation over which it presides.

His Excellency the American Plenipotentiary next attempts to overthrow the charges which he finds in the circular from this Department, relating to his Government. He assumes that the complaints of Mexico are directed— 1st against public meetings in the United States in favour of Texas—2nd Against the aid furnished to the Texans by volunteers from the United States—and 3rd Against the supply of arms and munitions of war to the Texans. His Excellency maintains that the first is a right much older than that, which is secured by the Constitution to the American people; that the second on emigration is also a right, which the Government cannot resist; and that the third, or the trade in arms or munitions of war, is not only a right of a neutral power, but is guarantied by the Treaty with Mexico; the means of repressing this abuse, whenever it may become prejudicial to another nation, being established in the article on the subject which he cites..

The undersigned cannot even imagine, that the Representative of the Government of the United States should do the Government of the Undersigned, the injury to suppose, that it is ignorant of the limits fixed by public law to every nation in its relations with the others, as regards the point where complaints on account of offences given, or injuries inflicted are to begin; and respecting that point the undersigned conceives that His Excellency has entirely mistaken the question Mexico has not complained nor thought of complaining of any of those acts, which the American people had a right to do by its own peculiar institution; complaints are made of the singular character with which several of these acts of declared and direct hostility, are invested, and of the injuries resulting therefrom to this Republic; injuries which without being really in a state of war, no one nation is authorized to cause to another without attacking or violating the principles of the Law of Nations. As Mexico in the present case, does not . pretend to examine the history of the relations, of other countries with the United States, the Undersigned will not inquire into the accuracy of the circumstances stated by the American Plenipotentiary, in support of his opinions, but referring to the particular and appropriate case which has given rise to these discussions, the Undersigned insists without fear of contradiction from any one, who has visited the States of the Union, during the seven years last past, or who has read the Newspapers of that period, and observed the march and progress of the question of Texas, and the support which the usurpers of that Department, have received from that nation;— 1st that the meetings called and assembled for this purpose, the armed emigration which has been encouraged and supported, and the succours in vessels, arms, and munitions, which have been supplied, have all been so publicly, without disguise, openly announcing the ostensible objects to which they were directed and with the knowledge and forbearance of the authorities. 2dly that these proceedings with their toleration, and the feigned ignorance [simulacion] of them, the complaints of the Mexican Agents having been in many cases not attended to or eluded, have fostered and given, security to the hostile acts against the Republic—3dly that these acts, thus public or denounced, receiving no notice from the local authorities, and neither prevented nor restrained by the General Government, involve a clear infraction of the Laws of Nations, affect the bases of peace, and of friendship between nations, on which Treaties are founded, attack the rights of Mexico, injure its interests, and afford just grounds of complaint. Is it necessary for the Undersigned to prove these positions? Is anyone ignorant of all these circumstances, when they have repeatedly been made public, by the Newspapers of the United States, confirmed by the debates and resolutions of their authorities, and even lamented by numerous respectable Americans, who regard this conduct of their fellow citizens as contrary to their glory and true interests, and as a violation of the sublime principles of good faith, and honour, recommended by the immortal Washington, which formed the foundation of the American Union?

Nor does the Undersigned consider it necessary to demonstrate the inadequacy of the citations made by the American Minister, in order to prove that his fellow citizens have the right to commit the acts of which Mexico complains; that his Government has no power to restrain them; that they like the Constitution and the Laws which guaranty them, embrace in the most extreme manner, the principles of the law of Nations; and that this Republic in consequence, has no ground for complaint. —The undersigned is grateful for the favourable opinions expressed with regard to him by the American Plenipotentiary; yet he must on his side, confess his surprize, and that of his Government, in observing that a Minister Plenipotentiary, versed in public Law, in the history of political transactions of nations, and in universal legislation, should confound the acts of citizens, in exercise of their political rights, with those which occasion injury or offence to another member of the great family of the human race. But for this confusion, Mr Thompson could not consider the public meetings, wherein a people exercises its right to discuss its domestic affairs, to support either of the parties into which the nation may be divided, or even to criticise the policy of another and friendly nation, as on the same footing and equally legal—with those assemblies which are publicly convened, for the sole purpose of exciting the citizens to emigrate in arms, in order to usurp the territory and rights of a friendly nation; for collecting succours and supplies, and carrying them to an insurgent and ungrateful faction of that other nation, and for proclaiming against it, a crusade of spoliation and extermination. This same confusion, gives rise to the opinion, that Citizens of the United States may emigrate, and choose freely their new residence, even if it be in a country at war with another nation which is in friendship with their native country; and that it makes no difference, whether or not, their emigration be made armed and furnished with munitions of war, and, as has often happened, embodied in military companies, regularly organized, with the intent never concealed of committing hostilities against a neighboring nation, and with the engagement publicly made, to divide the booty with the first usurper.

The same may be said of the defence which Mr Thompson undertakes, of the right of neutrals, to carry on trade in articles contraband of war, on their own account, and risk, and subject to the penalties of confiscation and etc. established in treaties. Every one who is versed in these matters, will at once see, that this species of traffic, forbidden by public compacts, is for that reason, attempted in a feigned or secret manner, and is only discovered, by accident, or by information given; it is not however of such acts that Mexico complains; but of those, which are committed publicly and openly; nor is the part of Mr Waddy Thompson’s circular, in the opinion of the undersigned less inopportune, and unfortunate, in which tvith the view of defending the sympathies of his fellow citizens, in favour of Texas, and the armed emigration and succors,, furnished in consequence of those sympathies, to the insurgents, he says that it has been, and will be always so, with the American people, whose innate and enthusiastic love of liberty, is such, that wherever on this Continent, a banner may float, with that sacred word on it, there will be found, rallying under it, the ardent, impetuous, and often inconsiderate youth of the union. Liberty in Texas! Liberty, where the authorities are disavowed, where the Courts have no power of action, where Lynch law, that is, personal vengeance, publicly and with impunity prevails! Liberty among a heterogeneous population, composed in a great majority of criminals and malefactors, who flying from justice emigrate from Europe, and from the United States, and choose this asylum, where they find or obtain for themselves freedom from punishment! How can liberty be established in such an assemblage, originating in the most ungrateful usurpation, and sustained by crime and slavery?

But leaving aside these considerations how could the enlightened and liberal American Minister, place the generous and sublime sentiments which animated some of his countrymen, to support the cause of the independence of Spanish America, and the patriotic movements in favour of Greece and Poland, in a parallel with the aid and succours afforded to Texas? Does His Excellency conceive it to be the same, to join in the noble cause of ancient nations, who have nobly figured among all the others on the earth, and are now oppressed, or to support the movement of other new nations, occupying a whole world with many millions of inhabitants, conquered by surprise and fanaticism, and who being called to appear among nations proclaim their liberty and struggle alone to break their chains—is it the same, repeats the Undersigned, as to favour the usurpation of an ungrateful colony, composed of Americans whose usurpation is justified and then sustained by their friends and relations under the sacred name of liberty? Can the glory and the disinterestedness of the auxiliaries be considered as equal in these cases; can their conduct in the latter case, be compatible with the respect and consideration due to the sovereign territorial rights of a nation, with which friendship is constantly proclaimed?

His Excellency Mr Thompson, moreover affirms, that in all these acts, evidently hostile as they are to Mexico, his Government, and the authorities of the United States, have done what the Law of Nations, and good faith requires to be observed between friendly Governments: but he cites no single fact in support of his affirmation. His Excellency adds, that by the laws of his country, emigration cannot be prevented, and that his Government has no power to detain one or many of its armed citizens, even when it is known that they are going to unite with the enemies of this Republic; and in fine, that it is only authorized, to prevent organized military expeditions, and to warn its citizens, that in exchange for the liberty which they exercise; by emigrating and embracing the cause of the enemies of another nation, they cease to be citizens of the United States and in consequence lose the rights of protection connected with their former citizenship.. The undersigned believes that the Law of Nations requires something more than this from the sovereigns or conductors of nations. It teaches that they “should respect each other, and abstain from all offence, all lesion, all injury, and in fine from everything which might damage others. If one Sovereign,” say the writers on national law, “who is able to restrain his subjects within the limits of justice, suffers them to maltreat a foreign nation, in its body, or in its members, it does no less injury to that nation, than if itself had thus acted ”

The Undersigned however, confining himself to the duties recognized by the American Plenipotentiary, asks that gentleman, how he can affirm, that his government has done all in its power to fulfil them? All the acts which have taken place during the unfortunate question of Texas contradict this assurance. Who is ignorant of the object and the result of the political assemblies held in favour of the insurgents in nearly all the influential cities of the American Union? Who does not know the publicity with which committees have been established, for raising volunteers armed and provided with munitions, for the service of Texas, the places in the union where the committees were instituted, the election of the officers and the points where they embarked, and took their departure? Are not the associations established for disposing of the lands usurped from Mexico, equally public; in which many respectable and influential individuals in the Union, have taken shares? Have not the insurgents of Texas held their headquarters for operations against Mexico in the squares and coffee houses of New Orleans, and other cities? Have not the vessels of war on which they depend been obtained in the ports of the United States? And have they not resorted thither for repairs or provisions, or to complete their crews and etc. all publicly? Has the American Government been ignorant of any of these acts, while they have been repeated with a tone of satisfaction by all the newspapers, and have in many cases been denounced by the Mexican Agents?

Recently, with reference to the failure of the senseless expedition of the Texans against New Mexico, and the incursion made by the Mexican Army to San Antonio Bejar, in exercise of their rights as belligerents—how many scandalous movements have taken place, without any concealment in the United States, in favour of the Texans, not only among the public sympathisers, but also among the authorities? The whole world has in fact seen with astonishment, (and remarks have been made on it by some newspapers) the general fermentation occasioned by those events in the United States, which could not have been menaced with foreign invasion. The proclamations of the so- styled President of Texas have been published, calling on his American brethren and friends for aid; a committee of safety from Galveston, for the purpose of recruiting forces and obtaining other assistance in favour of Texas while threatened, has been tolerated at New Orleans; and the progress of this Committee has been related with a degree of zeal and regularity, which could scarcely have been expected, had the cause been purely American. Two Legislatures (those of Kentucky and Louisiana) have excited their people to war against Mexico, Respectable and influential members of the Congress of the Union, have served as echos to all the threats and abuse against this Republic; concealment is at an end; the barrier of neutrality is overthrown; the cause of Texas appears to be the cause of America itself; and pride is taken in expressing the opinion which is openly encouraged, that nothing would be more popular at present in the United States, than a war with Mexico.

Under all these circumstances, what has the American Government done, not only to prevent these acts of its citizens, openly hostile against this country and its rights, and to punish those who commit them, but even to shew its opinion of them, and to inform those persons of their duties, as members of a nation at peace with this nation, and that they lose their national character, by joining those who thus invite them to commit hostilities? What means has it adopted, to cause the principles of neutrality to be respected and observed? Notwithstanding the publicity and the scandalous character of such acts, and the repeated and urgent complaints and denunciations by the Mexican Agents, a tardy proclamation appeared in 1836, which although Mexico was mentioned in it, appeared more calculated to prevent the armaments and succours prepared in support of the insurrection in Canada; and not a single word has been uttered during the last effervescence, although the constituted authorities of the union took part in it. On this subject the Undersigned will call to mind, the promptitude with which the American Government issued its proclamations for preventing the hostilities in preparation in its territories, against neighbouring countries, and for punishing those who might commit them, twice within the period during which this Republic was struggling to conquer its independence, from the Spanish Government, at the instance of the Minister Onis,—one dated September 1st 1815, as well as various others, respecting the revolution in Canada, the latest only a few months since, when after those disturbances had entirely ceased, it was learnt that preparations were making to renew them. Has this promptitude been observed during all the period of the question between Mexico and Texas? Is not this difference a reasonable ground of complaint?

Of the above mentioned movements, neither repressed nor prevented; of this toleration, or inattention, on the part of the authorities; of this silence of the General Government, which have produced and still produce the certain results, of sustaining and aiding the attempts of the enemies of this Republic; of the impunity with which future enterprizes are projected, and conceived for continuing the usurpation of the Mexican. territory, and which by defacing the limits to neutrality, fixed by public law, threatens constanty the rights and interests of Mexico; and weakens the bonds of friendship, harmony and good feeling between the two nations, bonds, which the Mexican Government would wish cordially to see strengthened with honour and good faith—Of all these acts, repeats the Undersigned, his Government does complain; it believes itself to possess a clear and perfect right, to complain, and to expect that satisfaction will be made for the past, and that care will be taken to prevent their future recurrence, not only from the sense of justice; which it recognizes in the enlightened directors of the public affairs of the United States, but at least in reciprocity for the disposition of the Government of the Undersigned, already proved on various occasions, not only to hear and satisfy the demands of those states, and their citizens, but also in assenting to their desires, and recommendations, although it might have had the right to refuse to do so, without giving any legal or rational grounds for displeasure.

Notwithstanding the disposition of the Government of the Undersigned, already fully demonstrated, not to embarrass these questions, and to omit the enumeration of the causes of complaint on the part of this Republic, the positive manner in which the American Plenipotentiary, undertook not only the defence, but also the praise of his country, as to all its acts, compels the Undersigned not to leave those points without explanations. His Excellency states, that if anything farther were necessary, to prove the goodwill of his Government, it would be found in the single fact among others, generally mentioned, that two schooners were lately built in the United States, which were known to be destined for the service of Mexico, in the Texan war; and that there was neither power nor disposition to prevent their departure. Mr Thompson must have forgotten the circumstances of this case, or he would not have presented it as he does, as an act of toleration or good will on the part of his Government. When these Schooners were finished, and their departure as American property had been authorized by the Collector of New York, after the securities and pledges required by the laws of the union had been provided in abundance, they were, when in the act of setting sail, detained by express order of the General Government; and the American contractor was obliged to make a journey to Washington, all the documents, and the opinions of the lawyers of the States were to be presented, the officer who had granted the permission in virtue of his powers, had to make a sort of complaint, and after these and other measures, the Attorney General and the Secretary of the Treasury, though with repugnance, allowed the Schooners to depart, because they had no power to prevent it. When were these embarrassments raised? At the very moment, when some vessels of the Texan Squadron, without obstacle or opposition and publicly, were enlisting seamen in New Orleans, and making contracts for provisions and ammunitions for a cruise against the Ports of this Republic; with the object of destroying its coasting trade; and the same things are now done, the Texan vessels resorting to New Orleans and Pensacola, as if those ports belonged to them, for the purpose of enabling themselves to carry into effect their projected blockade.

The promptitude with which a vessel of the United States repaired to the assistance of one of the Schooners, when wrecked on the Coast of Florida, is also adduced as a service rendered to Mexico. In that Schooner, there were but three Mexican passengers; her captain and crew were Americans; the vessel belonged entirely to an American House, and the loss would fall on an Insurance Company of New York. Could a United States vessel have acted otherwise? The Government of the Undersigned is however grateful, in so far as respects the passengers above mentioned. In counterbalance to the constant good will and friendship towards this Republic, attributed by His Excellency Mr Thompson to his Government, the undersigned might recapitulate some facts more or less known, though certain of attacks made on the rights and interests of Mexico, within some years past, and of infringements either openly or in an underhand manner of the rules established by the law of Nations especially as regards neutrality but he does not consider it proper to enumerate them. All and every one of them have been in their turn the grounds of complaints and protests by this Government and its agents; and the fact that they have not received attention, and been remedied with the promptitude required by the sincere friendship and good feeling on which the American Minister lays so much stress, might lead as a necessary result, to the destruction of those relations of confidence and mutual interest, the preservation of which, has been the constant desire of the Government of the Republic.

The Undersigned has again carefully read over the note, which he had the honour to address to the respectable Diplomatic Corps, and he finds in it not a single expression, to which the charge of want of courtesy, preferred by His Excellency Mr Thompson, can be applied. This note having been circulated and published, it is subject to the remarks of all who may have read it and the Undersigned may therefore be excused from adding another word upon the subject. The Government of the undersigned has ever adopted as its rule in correspondence, with the Agents and Governments of other nations, to treat all with the moderation and respect which they merit, and which is due to itself, even though in matters after most disagreeable; if farther evidence of this be wanting let the archives be examined, and the Undersigned doubts not that the result would be in favour of Mexico.

The undersigned, in conclusion considers it proper to repeat the declaration which he made at the beginning of the present note. This question being in discussion between the two Governments, he now comes forward before having received a reply from that of the United States, because His Excellency, the American Plenipotentiary has considered it his duty to defend that question here; and has in so doing, emitted assertions of facts and opinions, which cannot be allowed to remain unanswered. The Government of the Undersigned being fully aware of the limits to its rights and its duties, in its intercourse with nations, has manifested its resolution to sustain those rights, and to fulfill those duties; to which ends, it employs the power committed to it, as well as the most frank and honest faith. It has complained, whenever it has considered its dearest rights and interests to be attacked; and does so, boldly, until explanations are given, and measures taken, to terminate the causes of offence, It then may, without dishonour, make known its views and feelings towards the United States of America, which are directed solely to the preservation and consolidation of the friendly relations, of justice, and reciprocal advantage, the only ones, on which peace and true friendship can ever be based. This disagreeable occurrence, nevertheless affords to the Undersigned, the honour of repeating to His Excellency Mr Waddy Thompson, the assurances of his most distinguished consideration.